By Lovisa Lamm
»Sverige är ett modigt litet land. lower than ledning av sin kung säger svenskarna ifrån.«
Så beskriver Nordkoreas ledare Kim Il Sung Sverige i samband med öppnandet av den svenska ambassaden i Pyongyang 1975. below 26 år förblir Sverige det enda västlandet med en beskickning i den kommunistiska folkrepubliken. Ambassaden är en del av en storslagen svensk exportsatsning. Nordkorea betraktas som ett ekonomiskt below och svenska storföretag tror sig ha upptäckt det nya Japan.Året innan ambassaden öppnas föds Kim i en liten via i norra delen av landet. Han kommer som Flykting until Sverige 2005. Inte långt från Kims via flyttar Kerstin Molitor och hennes guy in i januari 1979 som ett led i den svenska satsningen. Ambassaden i Pyongyang har utgjort en unik utkikspost i världens mest slutna land.Med utgångspunkt från sin resa until eventually landet, tidigare hemligstämplade UD-rapporter och Säpo-protokoll tecknar Lovisa Lamm en omtumlande och komplex bild av Nordkorea och Sveriges relation until denna säregna kingdom.
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Both the United States and Russia agreed to substantial cuts in their arsenals. However, British strategy was also moving towards a more marginal role for nuclear deterrence, including eliminating most categories of sub-strategic systems, and so the significance of doctrinal nuances was much reduced. Moreover, Trident itself was not threatened by strategic arms control. None the less, there was a palpable intensification of the level and frequency of contacts over nuclear issues with France. The centrepiece of a much greater convergence - a joint stand-off missile to replace Britain's obsolescent free-fall bombs (the WE-177) - did not get off the drawing board.
On Grenada, see The Downing Street Years, pp. 328-33. On Vietnam, see Ben Pimlott, Harold Wilson (London, 1992), pp. 385-8. See for example Sir John Slessor's proposal at a meeting of the Chiefs on 17 July. Anthony Farrar-Hockley, The British Part in the Korean War, vol. I, A Distant Obligation (London, 1990), pp. 100--1. The key advantage of this- in the spirit of limited liability- was that it could be implemented by the American Air Force without requiring a greater British contribution. The problem with this scheme was that the Americans were already actually committed to a land campaign.
As a result, when setting the level of forces - from troops in Germany to Trident submarines - the key factor so often appeared to have been to find the minimum point at which the effort would appear credible and worthwhile to the United States, as the price of admission to American policy-making. This fits in with David French's stress on the continuity in British strategy of a calculus designed to achieve 'dominant policy aims at minimum cost'. British strategy came to depend upon two key propositions.
Ambassaden i paradiset by Lovisa Lamm